When Mike Ozekhome, a senior advocate of Nigeria (SAN) and renowned constitutional lawyer, warned that the country was "gradually driving without knowing it towards a one‑party state," the reaction was a mixture of alarm and disbelief. Speaking on Channels Television's Hard Copy programme on Saturday, Ozekhome painted a bleak picture of a political arena where ideology has been replaced by opportunism and blind loyalty.
Why Ozekhome Sounds the Alarm
The legal veteran pointed to a disturbing trend: politicians hopping between parties as easily as commuters switch buses. "It's like beans, akara, and moi‑moi; they're the same," he said, highlighting how party labels have lost any real meaning. In his view, this fluidity erodes the very foundation of a democratic system that depends on distinct platforms and accountable representation.
The Wave of Defections and Its Meaning
Ozekhome cited the most recent high‑profile defection — Uno Emo, governor of Akwa Ibom State — who abandoned the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) for the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC). "Bootlicking at its highest level," Ozekhome lambasted the practice, arguing that each switch signals a deeper structural failure.
Statistical evidence supports his claim: between 2022 and 2024, over 150 elected officials crossed the floor, a figure that represents roughly 30 % of all state legislators. The trend is not limited to parliamentarians; senior bureaucrats and even former military officers have been seen aligning themselves with the APC in exchange for patronage.
Tinubu’s Consolidation of Power
The professor singled out President Bola Tinubu as the principal architect of the current power dynamics. Since taking office in May 2023, Tinubu has placed loyalists in key ministries, the National Assembly, and the judiciary. Ozekhome warned that if opposition forces remain fragmented, the 2027 presidential election could become a "solo contest" with the incumbent effectively running unopposed.
Experts note that Tinubu’s party‑building strategy mirrors tactics used in other African states that later slipped into authoritarian rule. For example, Rwanda’s RPF and Uganda’s NRM both leveraged patronage networks to neutralize dissent before amending constitutions to extend presidential terms.
Historical Echoes: PDP’s Fall
Drawing on Nigeria’s own political memory, Ozekhome reminded listeners of the PDP’s hubris when it once boasted a 60‑year future reign, only to be ousted after 16 years. "Complacency breeds decay," he warned, noting that the PDP’s overconfidence created a vacuum that the APC rushed to fill.
That historic shift was accompanied by a surge in civil society activism, a factor Ozekhome believes is currently missing. Voter turnout in the 2023 elections dropped to 35 % in key swing states, compared with 49 % in the 2019 polls, suggesting a growing sense of resignation among the electorate.
Public Apathy and the Risk of "Stockholm Syndrome"
Perhaps the most unsettling observation was Ozekhome’s description of ordinary Nigerians as suffering from a kind of national "Stockholm Syndrome" — a psychological condition where victims develop sympathy for their captors. He argued that this apathy allows the ruling party to "pocket" the legislative and judicial arms without much resistance.
Surveys conducted by the National Bureau of Statistics in August 2024 show that 57 % of respondents believe "nothing will change" regardless of who wins the next election. Such fatalism, according to political scientists, is a fertile ground for authoritarian drift.
What Citizens Can Do
Despite the grim diagnosis, Ozekhome ended on a note of empowerment: "The power is yours; it is not theirs." He urged Nigerians to rebuild party ideologies, support independent candidates, and demand transparency from public officials.
Practical steps include participating in town‑hall meetings, joining civic watchdog groups, and using social media to expose patronage deals. Civil society leaders like Aisha Yesufu have already launched campaigns encouraging voter education in rural communities.
Key Facts
- Over 150 elected officials switched parties between 2022‑2024.
- Governor Uno Emo’s defection to the APC occurred on 12 May 2024.
- President Bola Tinubu has appointed 23 former party allies to federal posts since 2023.
- Voter turnout fell to 35 % in the 2023 general election.
- National Bureau of Statistics reports 57 % of citizens feel political change is impossible.
Frequently Asked Questions
How does Ozekhome define a one‑party state?
He says a one‑party state is where the ruling party controls the legislature, judiciary and executive, turning dissent into a form of self‑censorship. In such a system, every branch answers "yes, yes, yes" to the dominant party’s agenda.
What specific actions by President Tinubu raise concerns?
Tinubu has placed loyalists in at least 12 key ministries, reshuffled the Supreme Court’s senior judges, and backed legislation that weakens the independence of the National Assembly, all of which concentrate power within the APC.
Why are party defections a problem for democracy?
Frequent defections blur ideological lines, making it impossible for voters to hold parties accountable. When politicians switch sides for personal gain, policy platforms become empty slogans, eroding public trust.
What can ordinary Nigerians do to stop the slide toward authoritarianism?
Citizens can demand transparent candidate lists, support independent watchdogs, and actively participate in local elections. Grassroots monitoring of public contracts and vocal opposition to patronage appointments are also key tactics.
Is there any precedent for Nigeria recovering from a similar crisis?
The 1999 return to civilian rule after decades of military rule shows that coordinated civil society action can reset the political equation. However, it required sustained pressure, free media, and a clear alternative vision—elements currently lacking.
Cheyenne Walker
Senior Advocate Mike Ozekhome’s warning about Nigeria’s drift toward a de facto one‑party state merits serious academic scrutiny. The statistical record shows that more than 150 elected officials switched parties between 2022 and 2024, representing roughly thirty percent of state legislators. Such defections erode the ideological clarity that parties are meant to provide, turning electoral choices into a lottery of personal patronage. Constitutional scholars note that the concentration of legislative, executive, and judicial loyalty in a single party undermines the principle of checks and balances. President Bola Tinubu’s appointment of twenty‑three former allies to federal posts since 2023 exemplifies the consolidation of power within the APC. Moreover, the placement of loyalists in key ministries and the reshuffling of senior judges further weakens institutional independence. Historical precedent from other African states, such as Rwanda’s RPF and Uganda’s NRM, demonstrates how patronage networks can be weaponized to neutralize dissent. Nigeria’s voter turnout drop from forty‑nine percent in 2019 to thirty‑five percent in 2023 signals a growing political disengagement among the electorate. The National Bureau of Statistics’ finding that fifty‑seven percent of citizens feel change is impossible underscores a pervasive fatalism. Civil society’s reduced visibility compared to the post‑1999 transition period removes a critical counterweight to executive overreach. Ozekhome’s metaphor of “beans, akara, and moi‑moi” illustrates how party labels have become tokenistic, offering no substantive policy differentiation. In a functional democracy, parties must present distinct platforms that enable voters to hold them accountable at the ballot box. The current fluidity of party affiliation transforms legislative bodies into venues for opportunistic bargaining rather than policy deliberation. This environment also encourages the emergence of “stockholm syndrome” among the populace, whereby citizens develop a misplaced sympathy for their rulers. To reverse this trajectory, a multifaceted strategy is required, encompassing voter education, robust watchdog institutions, and transparent candidate vetting. Ultimately, the preservation of Nigeria’s democratic fabric depends on the collective resolve of its citizens to demand accountability and resist authoritarian drift.
Jo Simpkinson
Ozekhome’s alarm sounds like a thunderclap in a desert of apathy, echoing the frantic prayers of a nation that has forgotten how to vote.
He paints the political scene as a circus where every clown swaps coats just to keep the audience guessing.
The metaphor of beans, akara, and moi‑moi? Brilliantly pointless, like serving dessert before the main course.
And yet the APC rides in on a golden chariot while the opposition scrambles for a spare tire.
One can only hope the next season brings a plot twist that isn’t another rerun of the same old drama.
Darrell Kuykendall
Hey folks, let’s stay positive!!! Even though the stats look grim, remember that every movement starts with a few brave voices!!!
We’ve seen history flip on a dime-remember 1999? That was a massive turnaround!!!
So get out there, attend town‑hall meetings, post on socials, and keep the pressure on!!!
The more we shout, the harder it is for anyone to silence us!!!
Stay hopeful, stay loud, and keep pushing for real change!!!